From Grist’s Jonathan Hiskes.
Imagine the 435 members of the U.S. House of Representatives standing in
a single line, from the most likely to support climate change
legislation to the least likely. At the far “green” end, i.e. most
inclined to vote for greenhouse gas restrictions, you’d find Seattle
Democrat Jim McDermott. At the far
“brown” end, Texas Republican/libertarian Ron
Paul.
Predictably, most Republicans would stand nearer to Paul’s end. Most
Democrats would stand closer to McDermott. In the exact center,
according to recent work by two economists, are nine lawmakers. And if
the Waxman-Markey climate bill receives a full House vote, any one of
them could provide the 218th “yes” – the decisive vote that passes the
bill.
Let’s call them the Carbon Nine: Jason
Altmire (Pennsylvania), Rick
Boucher (Virginia), Artur
Davis (Alabama), Baron
Hill (Indiana), Charlie
Melancon (Louisiana), Earl
Pomeroy (North Dakota), Mike
Ross (Arkansas), John
Tanner (Tennessee), and Gene
Taylor (Mississippi).
They’re all Democrats and all men. The nine mostly rural districts they
represent are among the country’s most economically reliant on fossil
fuels; their districts’ per-capita carbon emissions are, on average,
more than three times higher than the national median. (This doesn’t
mean people in those districts use more power than average folk, only
that the industries located in those districts are carbon-intensive.) In
the 2008 presidential election, voters in each of these districts but
Davis’ went for Republican John
McCain.
The “issues” sections of the Carbon Nine’s official congressional
websites tend to call for energy independence and expanded domestic
production but rarely mention climate change. Seven of the nine are
members of the Blue Dog
Coalition, a group of
Democrats that emphasizes fiscal conservatism; Hill and Melancon are
co-chairs of the group.
Four of the nine sit on the Energy and Commerce Committee, which passed
the bill last
Thursday, with two (Boucher and Hill) voting for it, and two (Melancon
and Ross) voting against. The other Carbon Nine members say they are
undecided, voicing concerns that the bill would slow economic recovery
and transfer money from Southern and Midwestern states to coastal ones.
“I’d like to have a bill I could vote for,” said Melancon, who
represents a southern Louisiana district where oil and natural gas
drilling and refining are the chief economic drivers. “I need to be able
to go home and say I protected the interests and the jobs of the people
in my state and my district. So this can’t be an extreme piece of
legislation. It needs to moderate our movement forward.”
Three others seem set on opposing the bill. Altmire recently
said, “I think
cap-and-trade is bad policy.” Taylor called
cap-and-trade
“a Ponzi scheme.” Last week, Davis and the rest of Alabama’s
congressional delegation sent a
letter
(PDF) to Energy Committee leaders warning that the bill would “stifle
any attempt at reviving our economy and getting back on the path to
economic growth, making it nearly impossible for new industries to move
into the U.S.”